The campaign in posters

Chaz Maviyane-Davies, Reason #1, 30 Reasons
Having missed by about an hour a chance to buy Shepard Fairey's newest Obama poster, I fell down the Google rabbit hole and stumbled into an entire unsuspected world of Obama poster art. The definitive blog seems to be the Obama Art Report, with daily news of auctions, donations, and free downloads. If, however, you'd prefer a Continental synopsis of the scene, a French-writing blogger named Jeremie has culled what he considers the fifty best Obama posters at Visual Evasion, complete with click-through links to the designers, who, in the case of, say, The Match Factory, are still selling the posters and sending the proceeds to the Obama campaign (in their case, to the Nebraska Obama campaign). It was by clicking on one of Visual Evasion's links that I discovered that from now until the election, you can download a poster a day at 30 Reasons, whose number one reason was the very funny poster at left by Chaz Maviyane-Davies. 

Spelling Change.com 

If you'd prefer to make your own poster, using specially designed pro-Obama letters, try visiting Spelling Change, where you can also make T-shirts and bumper stickers. 

Larry Roibal, Words (Obama poster), part 1Larry Roibal, Words (Obama poster), part 2
Alternately, you can make a poster by downloading and printing out someone else's. If you download all the pieces of Larry Roibal's poster, which at the molecular level consists of his ballpoint-pen cursive transcription of phrases from Obama's policy proposals, assemble them, and photograph yourself next to them, he'll post the picture on his blog

Some charming posters were commissioned by the Obama campaign for their voter-registration and voter-protection project, Vote for Change. Artist Cody Hudson has posted a few, and you can find a couple of others scattered in the open-to-all-comers site Design for Obama, which has the good, the bad, and the unofficial, all of which can be voted on. I was kind of taken with the Newyorkiness (Loisadaness?) of art teacher Robt Seda-Schreiber's Baby Got Hope, below. And last but not least, there are still a few all-typography posters for sale on the Obama-Biden campaign's own website, in the purchase of which you kill two birds with one click. 

Robt Seda-Schreiber, Baby Got Hope

Strike three

Three moments in Wednesday night’s debate struck me as crucial.

#1. Obama described McCain’s pettiness:

OBAMA: . . . And, now, I think the American people are less interested in our hurt feelings during the course of the campaign than addressing the issues that matter to them so deeply.

But McCain seemed unable to leave his narcissistic injuries behind.

#2. Obama stood up for women’s right to equal pay for equal work:

OBAMA: . . . Senator McCain and I disagreed recently when the Supreme Court made it more difficult for a woman named Lilly Ledbetter to press her claim for pay discrimination.

For years, she had been getting paid less than a man had been paid for doing the exact same job. And when she brought a suit, saying equal pay for equal work, the judges said, well, you know, it’s taken you too long to bring this lawsuit, even though she didn’t know about it until fairly recently.

We tried to overturn it in the Senate. I supported that effort to provide better guidance to the courts; John McCain opposed it.

I think that it’s important for judges to understand that if a woman is out there trying to raise a family, trying to support her family, and is being treated unfairly, then the court has to stand up, if nobody else will. And that’s the kind of judge that I want.

SCHIEFFER: Time’s up.

MCCAIN: Obviously, that law waved the statute of limitations, which you could have gone back 20 or 30 years. It was a trial lawyer’s dream.

This seemed a massive failure of political acumen on McCain’s part. I don’t think many women voters will be pleased to learn that for McCain, the principle of equal pay for equal work runs a very distant second to the integrity of the statute of limitations.

#3. Obama stood up for unions:

McCAIN: . . . But let me give you another example of a free trade agreement that Senator Obama opposes. Right now, because of previous agreements, some made by President Clinton, the goods and products that we send to Colombia, which is our largest agricultural importer of our products, is — there’s a billion dollars that we — our businesses have paid so far in order to get our goods in there.

Because of previous agreements, their goods and products come into our country for free. So Senator Obama, who has never traveled south of our border, opposes the Colombia Free Trade Agreement. The same country that’s helping us try to stop the flow of drugs into our country that’s killing young Americans.

And also the country that just freed three Americans that will help us create jobs in America because they will be a market for our goods and products without having to pay — without us having to pay the billions of dollars — the billion dollars and more that we’ve already paid.

Free trade with Colombia is something that’s a no-brainer. But maybe you ought to travel down there and visit them and maybe you could understand it a lot better.

OBAMA: Let me respond. Actually, I understand it pretty well. The history in Colombia right now is that labor leaders have been targeted for assassination on a fairly consistent basis and there have not been prosecutions.

And what I have said, because the free trade — the trade agreement itself does have labor and environmental protections, but we have to stand for human rights and we have to make sure that violence isn’t being perpetrated against workers who are just trying to organize for their rights, which is why, for example, I supported the Peruvian Free Trade Agreement which was a well-structured agreement.

But I think that the important point is we’ve got to have a president who understands the benefits of free trade but also is going to enforce unfair trade agreements and is going to stand up to other countries.

McCain’s complaint here is so incoherent as to be nearly incomprehensible, but he seems to be saying that America had nothing to lose from a free trade agreement with Colombia, as far as tariffs are concerned, and owed Colombia such an agreement because it’s an ally of ours. Obama, however, points out that America would lose something: a principled stand on human rights. According to Human Rights Watch, over four hundred labor leaders have been assassinated in Colombia during the six years of Alvaro Uribe’s administration, and almost none of the murderers have been brought to justice. And by pointing this out, and by standing up for labor leaders in Colombia, Obama showed his solidarity with union members in America. I suspect this may have been the moment he won their votes. Protectionism is ultimately self-defeating, but it is not specious to object to a free-trade agreement for shifting jobs from countries where workers have civil rights to ones where they don’t. Obama demonstrated that he knows when the unions have a point and that he’s willing to recognize it publicly. The white working class is said to be the last remaining demographic that Obama needs but is not yet sure of (cf. this great article by George Packer), but if union members were listening, at this moment Obama showed them where he stands.

The overhead projector strikes back

The Adler Planetarium's Zeiss Mark VI projector, first installed in 1970, as featured in the planetarium's 2006 Report to Donors

Last night, during the second presidential debate, John McCain accused Barack Obama of voting for a $3 million earmark for an “overhead projector” for a planetarium in Chicago. “My friends,” said McCain, “do we need to spend that kind of money?”

Today the planetarium has defended itself. In a statement on its website, the Adler Planetarium explains that the equipment they wanted to replace is a Zeiss Mark VI projector, not an overhead projector, and the planetarium didn’t receive a new one, because the funding effort failed. The existing projector is forty years old, “is only the Adler’s second in seventy-eight years of operation,” and the manfacturer no longer makes parts for it. Moreover, “the Adler has never received an earmark as a result of Senator Obama’s efforts,” though they have received some federal support thanks to others, and they aren’t bashful about it, because they think science education is a worthwhile cause.

Say it ain’t so, Sarah

Peter just unraveled another wrinkle in Sarah Palin’s deviousness. As viewers of the vice presidential debate will recall, when the candidates came onstage, there was a brief exchange between them, transmitted across America even though it wasn’t clear whether they knew the microphones were transmitting:

PALIN: Nice to meet you.

BIDEN: It’s a pleasure.

PALIN: Hey, can I call you Joe?

BIDEN: (OFF-MIKE)

PALIN: Thank you.

At the time, the exchange seemed charming. One inferred that Palin wanted to be sure that the rapport between her and Biden was warm, and the moment appeared genuine, because she didn’t seem to think anyone but Biden could hear her.

But it just occurred to Peter that Palin must have asked permission to call Senator Biden “Joe” because she had planned in advance to deploy against him the soundbite-ready line, “Say it ain’t so, Joe.” “Say it ain’t so, Senator Biden” wouldn’t have had the same ring.

To some extent, she lost her nerve. A guilty conscience? By my count, Palin went on to call her opponent “Senator Biden” eight times. Although Biden called himself “Joe” a few times, Palin called him that exactly once, in issuing her obviously prescripted attack. In other words, her girlish request “Hey, can I call you Joe?” was disingenuous. She was setting Biden up.

An earlier tantrum

Back in February 2006, Senators Barack Obama and John McCain had a telling exchange of letters, as a reader of Talking Points Memo recently recalled. The letters are well worth reading, especially by anyone trying to puzzle out the rage that McCain has recently displayed and the less-than-constructive way he has displayed it (cf. his inability to look Obama in the eye during the first presidential debate and his defensive disputatiousness with editors of the Des Moines Register).

The story told by the letters is straightforward. On 1 February 2006, Obama attended at McCain’s invitation a bipartisan meeting to discuss lobbying and ethics reform. The next day, however, Obama sent McCain a letter thanking him for the invitation, praising McCain’s work on the issue, and announcing a bit of bad news: Obama had decided to support Senator Harry Reid’s bill on ethics reform, rather than participate in the bipartisan task force that McCain wanted to organize. Obama explained that Reid’s bill had many of the provisions that McCain had proposed and that it would be faster to send Reid’s bill straight to committee rather than wait for a McCain task force to come up with a bill, which would have to go through the same committee in the end.

It’s understandable that McCain would have been disappointed by the letter. By sticking with Reid, Obama made it likelier that Democrats could take credit for the resulting law, rather than McCain. But the rationale that Obama offered to McCain was not partisan. Obama argued that ethics reform would arrive faster if he backed Reid’s bill, and that there was no substantive difference between what Reid proposed and what McCain wanted.

McCain’s reaction must be read to be believed. On February 6, McCain wrote:

I would like to apologize to you for assuming that your private assurances to me regarding your desire to cooperate in our efforts to negotiate bipartisan lobbying reform legislation were sincere. When you approached me and insisted that despite your leadership’s preference to use the issue to gain a political advantage in the 2006 elections, you were personally committed to achieving a result that would reflect credit on the entire Senate and offer the country a better example of political leadership, I concluded your professed concern for the institution and the public interest was genuine and admirable. Thank you for disabusing me of such notions with your letter to me dated February 2, 2006, which explained your decision to withdraw from our bipartisan discussions. I’m embarrassed to admit that after all these years in politics I failed to interpret your previous assurances as typical rhetorical gloss routinely used in politics to make self-interested partisan posturing appear more noble. Again, sorry for the confusion, but please be assured I won’t make the same mistake again.

In other words, McCain squalled like a jilted teenager. Maybe Obama was playing political hardball, but if so, he was playing like a gentleman: Obama’s letter had focused on what was best for ethics reform and had said only kind things about McCain’s motivations. McCain, on the other hand, seemed unable in his letter to rise above the slight that he felt. He imagined that Obama had attacked his motivations, when Obama hadn’t, and he attacked Obama’s motivations, which was churlish and petty. McCain ended his letter by writing that

I understand how important the opportunity to lead your party’s effort to exploit this issue must seem to a freshman Senator, and I hold no hard feelings over your earlier disingenuousness. Again, I have been around long enough to appreciate that in politics the public interest isn’t always a priority for every one of us.

In his reply, Obama was careful not to descend to McCain’s level. He simply expressed puzzlement and repeated that he appreciated McCain’s efforts on behalf of ethics reform. Obama:

I confess that I have no idea what has prompted your response. But let me assure you that I am not interested in typical partisan rhetoric or posturing. The fact that you have now questioned my sincerity and my desire to put aside politics for the public interest is regrettable but does not in any way diminish my deep respect for you nor my willingness to find a bipartisan solution to this problem.

Tacit in McCain’s epistolary tantrum is an acknowledgement that he wanted Obama’s support badly and was hurt when he didn’t get it. The outburst was a confession of weakness—of frustrated need. As such it was embarrassing, as McCain seems to have realized a couple of days later, when he insisted to reporters that there was nothing to the exchange, that “We’re moving on, we’re moving on, we’re moving on.”

But there is something to it. It suggests a lack of self-confidence in McCain. It reveals that his style of leadership is to lash out at those he feels are disloyal. It reveals that he’s a poor poker player: A cannier politician would have folded his cards without showing them, or might have tried to bluff Obama. It also shows up the hollowness of McCain’s moralism. The higher cause at issue here, ethics reform, turns out to matter to McCain only so long as he gets to march at the head of the parade. If he’s going to play any lesser role, he’s willing to sabotage exactly the bipartisan accord he claims to be after.